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Voting power, by the numbers

Voting power · Oct 30, 2026 · 6 minute read

How much power does the Black vote hold, from your city to Congress?

Nearly 30 million Black citizens can vote. We have the numbers to decide races. The harder question is what happens after the vote, and that is where your address comes in.

29.7 millionBlack citizens of voting age
12.3%of all citizens of voting age
14congressional districts where Black citizens are the majority of voters
2,552,142Georgia registered voters recorded as Black, October 26, 2026

U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, citizen voting age population by race, 2020 to 2024; Georgia Secretary of State, registration as of October 26, 2026. Checked October 30, 2026.

Our mission is to make sure Black communities are not simply informed about the decisions shaping our future, but equipped to help make those decisions. An informed community is a powerful community.

On this page: When the majority changed, and the map did not; Our vote is already a force; Where the power sits; and Who holds the majority where most of us live

Is this paid with your tax dollars? Yes. Elections are run by counties and cities and paid for mostly with local tax dollars, with state money in many states. Congress adds grants on top: for 2026 it set aside $45 million in election security grants for all the states together, and each state must add a 20 percent match. That is the money that runs the polls you will use. People see that spending differently, and SourceLine takes no side for or against it. The decision stays with you and the people you elect.

When the majority changed, and the map did not

The next paragraphs are my own account and view, from my working papers. Kazemde Ajamu, founder of SourceLine.

For years, much of my political work was organized around elections. I helped educate voters, worked with candidates and helped people get to the polls. I still believe in that work. Who holds office matters because the authority attached to the office is real.

DeKalb County taught me what voting alone could not do. By 2000, Black residents had become the majority of the county, and voters elected Vernon Jones as DeKalb's first Black chief executive officer. It was a real victory. But South and East DeKalb, where most of us live, did not suddenly gain the commercial base, the planning institutions and the relationships that North DeKalb had spent decades building. As I wrote in my working papers, "Representation had changed, but the economic geography and institutional advantages accumulated over earlier decades did not reset with the election."

That is why I say this plainly: "I still believe in taking people to the polls." But "I no longer believe that turnout by itself tells us whether a people possesses political power." The fuller test begins after the victory. Did we arrive with an agenda? Did we follow the budget, the appointments and the contracts? Voting does not become less important. It needs somewhere to go.

Our vote is already a force

There are 29,696,964 Black citizens of voting age in the United States, 12.3 percent of everyone old enough and eligible to vote. That is more people than live in any state except California and Texas. In 14 congressional districts, Black citizens are the majority of the people who can vote, and in 44 districts they are at least three in ten. In 93 counties, Black citizens are the majority of the voting age population.

Georgia, where the state counts voters by race, shows the number growing. On October 26, 2026, the Secretary of State counted 2,552,142 registered voters recorded as Black, 31.0 percent of all registered voters. Before the 2020 general election the count was 2,290,365, or 30.0 percent. That is 261,777 more Black Georgians on the rolls, a rise of 11.4 percent, while the state's total grew 7.7 percent.

Where the power sits

Texas has the most Black citizens of voting age, 2,636,437, followed closely by Georgia with 2,505,628 and Florida with 2,326,253. In the District of Columbia, Black citizens are 42.7 percent of the voting age population; in Mississippi 35.9 percent, in Georgia 32.0 percent, in Louisiana 30.7 percent and in Maryland 30.3 percent. In states like these, Black voters can decide statewide races, not only local ones.

The congressional districts with the most Black citizens of voting age are Tennessee's 9th, around Memphis, with 341,752; Mississippi's 2nd with 337,550; and Maryland's 7th, around Baltimore, with 311,488. These counts use the district lines the Census Bureau used for its 2020 to 2024 survey. Several states have redrawn their maps since then.

Who holds the majority where most of us live

The ten states with the most Black residents are split evenly. Republicans hold majorities in both chambers of the legislature in Texas, Georgia, Florida, North Carolina and Ohio. Democrats hold majorities in both chambers in New York, California, Maryland, Illinois and Virginia. These are the seats as listed today, before Tuesday's election; R is Republican, D is Democratic and I is independent.

StateHouse or AssemblySenate
TexasR 86, D 62 (2 open)R 18, D 12 (1 open)
GeorgiaR 99, D 81R 33, D 22, 1 unlisted
FloridaR 82, D 34 (4 open)R 26, D 12, I 1 (1 open)
New YorkD 103, R 47D 40, R 22 (1 open)
North CarolinaR 71, D 47, I 2R 30, D 20
CaliforniaD 60, R 19 (1 open)D 29, R 10 (1 open)
MarylandD 102, R 39D 34, R 13
IllinoisD 78, R 40D 40, R 19
VirginiaD 63, R 36 (1 open)D 21, R 19
OhioR 64, D 34 (1 open)R 23, D 9 (1 open)

Whichever party holds the majority decides which bills reach a vote, and in most states it draws the district maps. SourceLine measures every majority by the same yardstick: what its decisions do for Black communities.

On this page: How many votes it takes, and how many we left at home; Electing officials is one power. Deciding where the money goes is another.; Where we do not hold that authority, we still have options; and What you can do before and after Tuesday

How many votes it takes, and how many we left at home

Every decision has a vote count. A city council of seven needs four votes. The Georgia House needs 91 of its 180 members to pass a bill. In Congress it takes 218 votes in the House and, for most bills, 60 in the Senate to end debate. The people in those seats are chosen by the voters who show up, and some races are decided by a few thousand votes or fewer. In Georgia today, the minority party holds 81 House seats and 22 Senate seats, so it is 10 seats short of a House majority and 7 short in the Senate. That gap is what decides whether a bill on school books, district maps or school money can pass.

In Georgia's 2020 general election, 60.0 percent of registered voters recorded as Black were credited with voting, compared with 65.7 percent of all registered voters. If Black turnout had matched the state rate, about 132,000 more Black Georgians would have voted. About 689,000 Georgia voters had no race recorded that year, so the true Black turnout may be somewhat different. Either way, the votes are already registered. They are waiting to be cast.

Electing officials is one power. Deciding where the money goes is another.

We have the power to elect our own officials, and in many places we use it. The harder question is whether we have the authority to decide how money flows into our communities to invest and build. In DeKalb, electing a Black chief executive did not move the commercial tax base, the development authorities, the community improvement districts or the relationships that steer investment. Those decisions sit in many places: county and city budgets, development and housing authorities, tax breaks and special districts, the state funding formula, federal grants, and the banks and investors who decide where private money goes.

So the first job is to know where each decision is made. Who proposes the budget, and who approves it? Who appoints the members of the development authority and the planning board? Who decides which projects get a tax break? If we do not know that chain, we can organize around the most visible office while the decision is made somewhere else. SourceLine is built to show that chain at your address: every official who represents you, how each one has voted, and the decisions coming up, with the date. Our story on federal money shows how much reaches majority Black counties, and how little of it builds.

Where we do not hold that authority, we still have options

Where the authority is not ours, we can still build it. We can push for seats on the boards that steer money, because many of them are appointed by the officials we elect. We can show up when tax breaks and development deals are voted on, and ask what the community receives in return. We can pool our own money through churches, fraternities and sororities, credit unions and Black-owned banks, so our community can put up the local share that grant makers ask for. In my working papers I put it this way: "An institution that can contribute local money becomes more attractive to outside funders." And we can keep the record, so the knowledge we build is not lost when one leader moves on.

What you can do before and after Tuesday

Election Day is Tuesday, November 3. Check your registration and your polling place with your state's official election office, which you can find through vote.gov. Bring three people with you: a neighbor, a coworker, someone from church. Then stay with it. Pick one decision about money coming up where you live, a budget, a tax break or a development deal, follow it on SourceLine, and tell us where you stand so your officials can see how many of us are watching.

Black voting power is not a number we are waiting to reach. It is a number we already have. In my words: "It does not make voting less important. It gives the vote somewhere to go."

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Facts in this story come from the U.S. Census Bureau, the Georgia Secretary of State and the U.S. Election Assistance Commission. Citizens of voting age, registered voters and people who voted are separate counts and are never added together.

Key figuresBy the numbers

Black citizens of voting age, the eight largest states, 2020 to 2024

Texas

2.64 million

Georgia

2.51 million

Florida

2.33 million

New York

2.02 million

North Carolina

1.66 million

California

1.65 million

Maryland

1.34 million

Illinois

1.29 million

Bars for the eight states with the most Black citizens of voting age, from Texas at 2.64 million to Illinois at 1.29 million.

Where you live

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How we counted, and where every number comes from

Sources in the database. public.observations, measures cvap_black and cvap_total (source S03, ACS 2020 to 2024 five year special tabulation) for the nation, states, counties, places and congressional districts; reg_black, reg_total, voted_black and voted_total (source S10, Georgia Secretary of State) for Georgia. The 132,000 figure is Black registered voters in 2020 times the statewide turnout rate, less the Black voters credited with voting. Counts of districts and counties use the Black share of citizens of voting age. Where you live: public.story_power_where.

Sources

  1. U.S. Census Bureau, Citizen Voting Age Population by Race and Ethnicity, 2020 to 2024 American Community Survey special tabulation. census.gov
  2. Georgia Secretary of State, voter registration statistics and voting history. sos.ga.gov
  3. U.S. Election Assistance Commission, Election Security Funds (fiscal year 2026, $45,000,000, 20 percent state match). eac.gov
  4. State legislators and party as listed by Open States, October 2026, in the SourceLine database. openstates.org
  5. Official state election offices. vote.gov

Checked October 30, 2026. Found an error? Write to info@mysourceline.com.

About these figures

Every figure on this page shows the year it describes. Public agencies release their numbers on their own schedules, often a year or more after the work of counting is done. The Census Bureau, for example, publishes its five year community survey each December, and the national reading test is given every two years. That is why some figures are not from this year. SourceLine updates each one as soon as the agency publishes it.

For some counties and small towns, SourceLine has not found meeting records online. Where it has not, we add them as they become available. A page that says SourceLine hasn’t updated a record yet means exactly that.